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Outcome of the GENERA interview series

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8. Institutional aspects of gender equality in physics


Among the themes raised in the interviews, institutional aspects of gender equality in physics were thoroughly discussed, including opinions about the desired role of research institutions in fostering gender equality, attitudes towards actions and measures taken by own institutions to enhance gender equality as well as stance on introducing special measures in research organizations. While these problems were included in the scenarios of both semi-structured and expert interviews, in 10 particular interviews (8 from Spain and 2 from Switzerland) they were not discussed. Therefore the following analyses are based on the results of overall 73 interviews. The findings concerning these issues are discussed in three consecutive chapters.

Roles of institutions in fostering gender equality

One of the aims of the conducted interviews was to recognize the physicists' understanding of their role and the role of their institutions in enabling gender equality in science. The respondents were asked whether there are any solutions to raise women's participation in physics and whether research institutions should support women by implementing them.

From the narratives of female and male physicists and leaders it comes out that most emphasis is put on changing the wider cultural environment of science through interventions in the school curricula and fostering recognition of gender differences and gender inequalities among scientists.

Modifying the wider cultural environment of science

While the need to act towards fostering gender equality is quite widely recognized, it does not automatically mean support for introducing gender equality measures within the research institutions. As inequality in physics is mainly perceived by the respondents as a result of wide social processes, including socialization (see the chapter on “Reasons of dominance men in physics and barriers to women's success”), the respondents emphasize the need for changing the wider cultural environment of science. The dominant attitude is that transformations have to start somewhere there, including the whole society and its' particular institutions such as families, schools and governments. The way many physicists talk about these transformations may suggest that they themselves do not clearly see own role in initiating and developing these changes. Either “the others” are responsible for changes or this responsibility seems undefined. Most generally, the interviewees argue that to change the situation in physics institutes, social mentality has to be somehow modified to make women's career in science more acceptable and, therefore, more accessible. This should start early with the social practices of upbringing children, mainly by teaching both boys and girls to trust in themselves and ensure that both believe in themselves, with no fields in which they feel ill-suited:

The change of social mentality and everyday practices together with an active role of educational system may result in raising the number of female physics students, which for some respondents is a precondition of any efforts towards gender equality in physics:

Power relations in families and traditional division of gender roles are other aspects of cultural environment of physics that - according to our interviewees - need to be transformed. Given that child care is perceived as one of the factors challenging women's professional advancement (see the paragraph on “Reconciliation of private life and work engagement” in the chapter “Reasons for domination of men in physics and barriers to women's success”), changing social norms concerning parents' engagement in upbringing children seems especially inevitable:

One of the female physicists directly expressed a belief that to understand current gender inequalities in physics it is necessary to look at wide cultural - and institutional - factors which are determined by deep historical processes. According to her factors seemingly unrelated to physics sustain the prevalence of patriarchal culture which is unsupportive for women pursuing career in science:

In this context the decisive role of public authority and especially - legal regulations - in changing both mentality and social practices is discussed by some of the respondents. They indirectly express a conviction that social transformation towards gender equality is not possible without adapting law, which - together with financial incentives - makes changes obligatory and, therefore, effective:

While many interviewees concentrate on others actors' impact on changing cultural environment of physics, others clearly recognize their role as scientists and the role of their institutions in facilitating gender equality in science. For some of them public research institutions are the ones that have a vocation for initiating gender equality changes in social mentality and practices:

According to the respondents the function of research institutes in bringing general social change should manifest in making interventions in the education of young generations as well as in fostering recognition of gender differences and inequalities among the scientists. Scientists' interventions in schools should be firstly and most importantly aimed at counteracting gender stereotypes, demonstrating role models to girls and, through these actions, attracting young women to physics. Visiting schools and giving talks to pupils by physicists, especially by female physicists, should challenge the prevailing idea that it is rather men who is suited to be a scientist:

For our respondents the female physicists, including these who have reached high positions in science, evidently should act as role models for girls and young women. In correspondence with the findings on the role models and mentors in reaching gender equality in science (see e.g. Bonetta 2010), the interviewees see it inevitable to actively eradicate a well-established stereotype that career in physics is not a realistic option for females. In this context it is argued that interventions in high schools - and in universities - are crucial to target young women who are about to take decisions regarding continuation of education, the choice of the subject of studies and whether to take up a career in science:

The ultimate goal of the discussed interventions in schools is to raise the numbers of women deciding to pursue careers in physics, which would be a necessary condition for further enhancing gender equality:

In the context of scientists' interventions in the educational system some of the interviewees refer to initiatives taking place in their institutions as examples of projects aiming at changing the social image of physics as difficult, unpractical, male dominated and not suiting women. These are Girls Days in the German context or PhysiScope in Switzerland, which bring practicalities of being a (female) physicist closer to the outsiders:

Another way of influencing the change of social mentality and social practices that has been recognized by the interviewees is to foster recognition of gender differences and gender inequalities among the scientists themselves. It has been noticed that recognizing gendered aspects of a scientific career and gender inequalities in science is not universal, as it means contesting the existing social order that is posited as natural. It can be especially difficult from the perspective of the members of the dominant - and privileged - group in physics, the men:

Recognizing gendered aspects of being a physicist demands a social skill acquired through deliberate, systematic, and sustained effort. Therefore, the interviewees recognize the role of their institutions - including their specialist bodies - in acquiring this ability by the scientists. Especially the usefulness of gender trainings, including compulsory training for people in leading positions and in scientific committees, workshops, thematic talks and conferences is discussed:

While the need to raise gender awareness of both rank-and-file scientists and leaders is recognized, the details of such activities need to be well thought out as at the same time some of the physicists who already underwent gender trainings perceive them ineffective and wasting their time (see the next chapter on the Evaluation of institutions in fostering gender equality).

Necessary measures in reconciliation of work and private life

Apart from direct and deliberate influencing social mentality outside and inside research institutes, the interviewees see the need of taking measures for better reconciliation of work and private life, which is predominantly understood as enabling female (and male) physicists to balance their professional duties with the role of a mother (and a father):

In this context it is worth reminding that some respondents suggest that parental leaves for fathers should be obligatory in order to modify the social perception of and social practices in gendered division of child care. Moreover, according to the respondents, the physicists who are parents should be entitled to additional time for advancement. While it is acknowledged that this measure could be available to both male and female physicists, it is women who are believed to benefit from it most:

Another measure for life-work reconciliation, this time explicitly dedicated to female scientists, would be easing their return to science after maternity leave, which sometimes might be problematic. According to the interviewees special programmes dedicated to returning scientists as well as enabling work flexibility would facilitate the decision to continue scientific career after a woman becomes encumbered with new caring responsibilities:

However, the most often recognized measure of work-private life reconciliation is providing facilities for children, including nurseries and kindergartens. Available child care facilitates reconciliation of work and private life of both females and males, however it is mainly understood as a direct way of fostering women's retention in science, as “it is typically the woman who will stay at home” (02_M_L) in case of inaccessibility of day care. In this context few respondents talk about the necessity of resolving the general problem of the availability of nurseries stemming from the shortage, expensiveness and lack of compatibility between opening hours of these child care facilities and physicists' working hours, as in the case of crèches in Switzerland. However, most of the interviewees discuss the advantages of setting up child-care facilities within research institutes. Thanks to them, female (and male) scientists can better manage their time and therefore work more effectively:

Apart from nurseries and kindergartens in the workplace - or in cases when the respondents do not see the possibility of setting up these institutions (a returning theme is the expensiveness of such an endeavor) - they talk about part-time solutions, such as after school care or ad hoc care when a parent takes measures at a laboratory or goes for a business trip:

A solution alternative to establishing a nursery or a kindergarten in the place of work, would be subsidizing by the employer the outside child care, which sometimes is unaffordable for young scientists or granting financial support for employees' self-help groups:

Solutions in hiring, retention and promotion

Another field of gender equality interventions recognized by our respondents concerns measures in hiring, retention and promotion. On one hand, the interviewees emphasize the role of merit, qualifications and productivity as the necessary sole and gender-neutral criteria for employment or advancement of the scientists. On the other hand, they notice that if these parameters were really in force, it was “a little odd that there are so few women” among successful physicists (08_F). Therefore they infer that recruitment and promotion processes are burdened with gender bias and unclear selection criteria and need intervention:

According to the respondents, the criteria and processes of evaluation of candidates to positions, grants and awards should be genuinely made objective and transparent, so that there would be no doubts about the verdicts of various decisive bodies:

Moreover, the selection and evaluation criteria should be made universal and long-lasting, which would make them predictable and would enable scientists to accommodate to them:

Interestingly, only one respondent, and moreover a male senior physicist, talked about the necessity of eliminating considerations of private matters of the candidates in the selection processes. It might suggest that either this practice is rare in the scientific community due to legal constraints, or its' inappropriateness is not well recognized:

Another important way of intervening in the selection and promotion processes in physics is acting against precariousness of physicists, understood as insecurity and instability of work due to the dominant pattern of employment through multiple temporary contracts. While the instability of employment in science hits both women and men, the interviewees notice that it is especially detrimental to the female scientists, as it hinders their decisions about family formation (for details see the chapter on “Career paths…”). Therefore, implementing permanent employment in science is desirable, as it will enable female scientists to “make projectable career paths” and to be given “realistic perspectives” (13_F_L). However, this would require a systemic solution rather than an effort of a single institute:

Mobility is a frequent experience of physicists and is seen as an indispensable element of their careers (see the chapter on “Mobility, migration and internationalization of science”). At the same time, it is a challenge in terms of their professional and private lives. Therefore, any facilitation of mobility is needed, but it seems that the most expected measure is institutional support in settling partners of the relocating scientists, namely in their seeking employment. In case of dual career couples, it simply means offering a job for the partner of an admitted physicist:

When a physicist's partner works outside the field, the assistance in looking for a job in an institutionally and culturally unfamiliar setting seems to the bare minimum, however support can be based on a systemic solution of formal agreements with the representatives of other economic branches on time-limited employment. While these measures would be applicable both to male and female physicists, they can be crucial for women's decisions on moving or migrating as it is them, who are more often objectively and culturally constrained with the demands of their partner's professional career.

Some of the interviewees discuss introducing direct measures for enhancing the presence and advancement of female physicists. These include special hiring programs offering female physicists high-profile positions:

Another method of increasing the proportion of female physicists discussed by one of the respondent would be openness to interdisciplinary projects and hiring women from other disciplines, which are more gender-balanced:

Enhancing the presence of female physicists in the research institutes further requires deep structural changes warranting gender balance in leadership positions and in the decision-making bodies through introducing new positions in the structure of the institutions and changing existing procedures:

Additionally, in the context of structural integration of gender equality a few interviewees from one of the institutes talk about the possibility of establishing a gender equality office, which could work on raising gender awareness among the physicists and preventing acts of gender discrimination. However, while they emphasize that existence of such a body is a norm in research centers around the world, it remains unclear to what extent they perceive it as an effective solution fostering gender equality:

Few of the respondents who admit that research institutes - as well as other social actors - could and should take active steps to foster gender equality in physics at the same time admit that they are lacking competence necessary to identify effective measures for resolving existing problems:

Conditions for success in implementing gender equality measures

In some of the interview narratives the problem of effectiveness of various gender equality solutions is raised. Among the conditions of success in fostering gender equality in physics the respondents point at the necessity of transforming gender equality ideas and regulations into actions:

This opinion might sound obvious and not requiring further discussion. However, the accounts of a few interviewees imply that in some cases gender equality procedures and measures remain 'on the books' and organizations fail in “making staff aware of specific measures and creating opportunities to discuss any questions or issues they may have” (Lee, Faulkner, Alemany 2010: 9). Apart from adequate publicity and promotion of gender equality solutions, it is also necessary to monitor their effectiveness in improving female physicists' everyday life, which might be problematic:

In this context it is worth noticing that the analyses of various equality initiatives in the workplace demonstrate that their effectiveness depends on establishing clear leadership and responsibility for organizational change (see for example Kalev et.al. 2006; Vinkenburg 2017). It is argued that it “will guarantee the long-lasting effect of a gender policy since this proximity to 'power' prevents a gender policy from becoming just another policy paper (…)” (European Commission 2012a: 27). Our respondents also point out the role of the management engagement in the gender equality initiatives:

Similarly, some respondents emphasize that the establishment of gender equality aims and solutions should be a result of multi-actor engagement, which means cooperation between the actors from all levels of institutional hierarchy and equally engaging female and male scientists: At the same time, there should be agreement between the institution's leadership and associated departments or institutes (Lipinski 2014; Morimoto et. al. 2013).

Few of the interviewees discuss the positive aspects of having gender equality targets imposed by other actors, including the state and international institutions. Pressure from outside mobilizes to action, especially when financial incentives are introduced:

Last but not least, one of the respondents argues for the necessity of tailoring gender equality measures by taking account of the cultural and institutional specificity of research organizations and monitoring the results of the undertaken actions:

Only few interviewees present negative attitudes toward any institutional and systematic interventions in the field of gender equality in physics. Their doubts concerning the effectiveness and worthiness of institutional measures for gender equality in science stem from a belief that they are not targeted at the roots of inequalities, which are primary socialization and women's attitudes:

Evaluation of institutions in fostering gender equality

Both semi-structured and expert interviews addressed the problem of the respondents' perception of work done by their own institutions for enhancing gender equality. The interviewees were asked whether their institutions are taking any actions to support women in physics and, if yes, how they assess these activities. Additionally the persons being in leading positions were prompted to talk about their own engagement in fostering gender equality.

When directly asked about any solutions that their institutions have implemented to enhance gender equality a considerable group of interviewees (representing 7 out of 11 institutions) either blankly deny there are any, as in the case of the respondents from the Polish and Romanian institutes, or admit they have never heard of any special programs or “extra affirmative action” (22_F). In this context one of the respondents metaphorically describes perceived underdevelopment of his institution in dealing with gender inequality:

A few of the respondents admit that while there are some institutional frameworks in their institutions, including a gender equality office, their knowledge about the existing procedures and solutions and their effectiveness is limited:

It is necessary to notice that these are mainly early career physicists who admit that their knowledge about gender equality measures introduced in their institutions is either lacking or limited, however a few of the senior scientists and leaders also signalize this problem and simultaneously provide possible causes of their being ill-informed. Some of the interviewees complain that their insufficient knowledge is the result of poor dissemination of the information on the activities and measures taken by the bodies responsible for gender equality in their institutions. In some cases gender equality policies are argued to be boiled down to a sheer formality known to a limited number of people rather than real actions engaging all stakeholders:

When talking about inefficiency of gender equality actions in engaging all employees, two female physicists notice that it happens that male employees are either not being informed about some initiatives or do not feel being involved or interested in them:

The opinions of some of the interviewees suggest that the undertaken measures and actions towards gender equality are perceived as misguided as they either do not have an impact on everyday relations in the institutions or their positive effects are limited to a small group of recipients rather than to a broader population of physicists:

Some interlocutors point that inefficacy of some of the measures is the result of their poor design and lack of comprehensiveness. Therefore, instead of resulting in far-reaching positive consequences, these solutions generate negative responses of the physicists who feel that their engagement in such activities as role-model talks and gender equality trainings was only a waste of their precious time:

As far as knowledge and opinions about specific activities taken in home institutions to foster gender equality are concerned, the respondents identify interventions targeted at pupils, measures concerning recruitment and promotion as well as solutions for enabling reconciliation of work and private life. A few of the institutes take up activities aiming at attracting pupils to physics. These initiatives are seldom addressed exclusively to schoolgirls, as in the case of the Girls' Days in two of the German institutions:

More often these projects aim at explaining the rules of physics, popularizing physics to schoolchildren or encouraging high school students regardless of their sex to study physics and mathematics at a university level. While none of these programs is explicitly addressed to girls or young women, one of them is argued to be inspired by the willingness of raising the number of female students in the institution. The respondent being directly involved in this initiative finds it an important part of his duties and evaluates it as useful and effective in winning the interest of young women:

Some physicists discuss the gender equality interventions in recruiting, retention and advancement process that are applied in their institutions. These measures include active looking for female candidates, formal or informal rules of giving preference to females when the skills of candidates are equally rated and founding special grants for female scientists.

Additionally, the respondents from Poland talk about the routinely practiced statutory requirement of considering career breaks caused by caring duties when deciding about recruiting, retention and promotion. The interviewees who talk about the gender equality interventions in the recruitment, retention and promotion generally find them both legitimate and carefully observed.

While not many respondents in leading positions declare being active in working out any gender equality measures, a few of them admit they initiated or conducted career workshops for both female students and employees. Moreover, some of the respondents recognize that senior physicists and the institutional leaders demonstrate attitudes of strong support for or authentic engagement in setting up measures for raising the number of female physicists:

Negative assessments appear when interviewees talk about measures for enhancing women's visibility and power through establishing gender quotas in various scientific collective bodies. While from the perspective of female physicists enrolled to a number of such committees, this requirement becomes a time-consuming burden, for the heads of the institutes it might breed difficulties in finding the sufficient number of female candidates:

[In the EU grants or awards] there is sometimes this requirement that there should be an adequate number of women in various commissions, and this is truly a problem for us. We forcefully try to have any women in our council, any female doctoral student, etc. (…) 68_M_L

Additionally, one of the physicists reports a situation in which the employer demonstrated serious insensitivity to the difficult situation of own female employee, who due to changes in the national legislation on parental leave lost her position at the institute:

When asked about available solutions for fostering gender equality, some physicists point at measures for reconciling work and private life. Besides, the respondents had the possibility to separately discuss this issue, as they were directly asked whether they were offered any solutions to balance their family life and career and how they evaluate those solutions. Most of the physicists point at childcare support, including the existence of nurseries and kindergartens, but also day-care facilities, after-school facilities and summer daycare. In most cases these childcare facilities are located outside the workplace and are run either by local authorities or private actors. However, a few interviewees declare using or at least having knowledge about childcare support provided by their employers. This support consists rarely in regular day-care centres, which - according to the respondents - exist in two institutions, however in one of them the facilities are outside the physicists' site, which makes their location inconvenient. Some of the interviewees report the existence of spaces at their institutes, when they can leave their children in the afterhours, in the emergency situations or during school breaks. In this context one of the female physicists talks about informal rule of tolerating the practice of bringing children to the workplace during vacation:

Among other measures of childcare support the respondents talk about institutional help in finding appropriate facilities outside workplace and receiving funding for childcare. These solutions are generally very well evaluated by the interviewees who appreciate that their institutes are “very child-friendly” and “help a lot” the researchers who have children. However, some of the female physicists talk about weaknesses of the existing measures. One of the respondents notices that the child care facility in her institute does not allow to satisfy all parents' needs. Other comments on the expensiveness of the kindergartens offered by the employers, lack of (breast)feeding rooms, and conditionality of financial assistance for childcare:

The respondents recognize also other than direct support in childcare measures existing in their institutes that make it easier to balance their occupational and private duties. Female leaders in two German institutions talk about working out informal rules of scheduling professional meetings at times more convenient to parents:

A few physicists, mainly from German, Polish and Romanian institutions, point to the existence of formal or informal rules of granting parents with flexible working hours which helps them to better fulfill their caring duties.

Few respondents discuss a specific measure, namely a special grant funded by one of the Polish research funding organizations and used for encouraging scientists with caring duties to continue their careers after longer breaks. While they generally find this program needed, one of the physicists notice that it is underfunded, which makes it not fully effective:

The theme of insufficient funding for balancing professional and private life returns in the narrative of another interviewee who discuss the superficiality of the measures available in her institution for dual career couples. If necessary resources were available, the institutions would be able to offer jobs to the partners of engaged scientists:

Last but not least, a few respondents refer to the issue of measures counteracting gender discrimination, including overt sexism. Some of them demonstrate a belief that there is no need for introducing so far non-existent special solutions, either because general formal rules are sufficient or because the organizational culture of the institution is permeated by the idea of equality:

Other interviewees declare the necessity of better dealing with the issues of gender discrimination, which so far has been unsatisfactory. Therefore, one of the physicists reports own engagement in preliminary anti-harassment activities in her institute, and the other welcomes with hope emerging gender equality down-top initiatives:

However, statements of few respondents suggest that the problem of gender discrimination is sometimes swept under the rug rather than dealt with diligently:

Physicists on special measures

The use of special measures has been widely argued to be an adequate solution “to overcome the effect of historical discrimination and accelerate the attainment of substantive equality for women” (UNDP 2014: 33; see also CEDAW 2004; Rees 2002; Mühlenbruch, Jochimsen 2013). Special measures - named also 'specific' or 'positive measures' - refer to all actions “aimed at favouring access by members of certain categories of people, in this particular case, women, to rights which they are guaranteed, to the same extent as members of other categories, in this particular case, men” (EIGE Gender Equality Glossary and Thesaurus). They encompass a wide variety of instruments, policies and practices, including allocation and/or reallocation of resources; preferential treatment; targeted recruitment, hiring and promotion; numerical goals connected with time frames; and quota systems (CEDAW 2004). Currently, some of these measures are used to counter the underrepresentation of women in science (especially in the STEM disciplines), including individual fellowships for female researchers, legislative gender quotas applied in the decision-making of research organizations, such as scientific committees, advisory boards, expert groups, and university governing bodies and setting targets of a defined proportion of the unrepresented sex in recruitment and promotion procedures (Rees 2002; Mühlenbruch, Jochimsen 2013; Id 2014; Lipinsky 2014). However, the suitability of special measures for science, particularly quotas, is debatable. It is argued that in “academia, where merit and autonomy have a central value, sanctions and incentives” applied to quotas “could be seen as compromising either, and therefore corrupting the system” (Wallon et.al., 2015: 16) Additionally, the concern is raised that gender quotas in various scientific committees “would place greater demand on the small pool of female scientists who would serve on these panels — possibly enough to hamper their career progress” (Vernos 2013: 39). Finally, it is unsettled whether more women in various committees and boards will increase female representation in science and their promotion. The results of the studies on the impact of gender composition of decision-making bodies on hiring and promotion practices are ambiguous (Zinovyeva, Bagues 2011; Williams, Ceci 2015)

In the context of controversy over applying selected special measures to counteract gender inequality in science, recognizing physicists' opinions about these solutions is valuable. The participants of both types of interviews had the opportunity to express their views on special measures in general and quotas in particular. The analysis of their narratives demonstrate that while the general idea of implementing solutions to foster gender equality in science is in many cases acceptable, affirmative action is preferred by a minority of respondents. Above all, regardless of the sex of the interviewees there is a lot of ambivalence about quotas as well as overt resistance to it. The respondents representing ambivalent attitudes towards quotas, while agreeing that they are effective in raising the number of female scientists, point to a number of negative side-effects of their usage and advise to use them carefully, to use them “as a medicine”. Those who present an uncompromising stance against quotas either see them as inadequate measures for counteracting gender inequality in science or - explicitly or implicitly - question the necessity of introducing them since there is no inequality in science:

The negative aspects of using affirmative action that have been perceived (or experienced) by both its' opponents and those who present ambivalent attitudes to it can be categorized in four broad themes, according to which special measures: 1. cause injustice to women, 2. challenge the idea of quality and merit, 3. are discriminatory for men, and 4. are implemented by force and therefore breeding resistance.

The most often risen argument against affirmative action towards female scientists is the belief that it is indeed the source of treating women unequally. Firstly and most importantly, when gender quotas or preferential treatment apply to selection procedures, there appears prejudice against female scientists who received a nomination to a scientific committee or were chosen for a position that they are not fit to perform their tasks. It is because their selection for a post is believed not to be based at all on meritocratic criteria and therefore “they don't really deserve their nomination (37_F):

Bias against female scientists who were selected due to preferential treatment or quotas is not hypothetical only, but it reflects real life situations, which can be harmful for women as the experience of one of the respondents confirms:

According to another interviewee the exposition to accusations of receiving unjustified privileges impels women to constant proving that they deserve their positions. This damaging side-effect of preferential treatment together with male resistance towards over-privileging women are the sufficient reasons to their rejection:

Special measures are believed to be harmful to women not only because they expose female scientists to objections to their capability, but also because they challenge their sense of personal worth based on the idea of merit and self-reliance:

Moreover, the examples of a few female physicists confirm the concern that introducing gender quotas in scientific collective bodies would overburden the eligible female physicists who are few with the duty to serve on a number of committees. This in turn may impede their scientific advancement, which would mean bringing the opposite effect to the intended one of the gender equality measures:

Another argument against affirmative action in science formulated mostly by the respondents working in Polish institutions states that using special measures lowers the quality of science, which is the consequence of enrolling/accepting women on the basis of their womanhood, not competence:

In this context one of the interviewees explicitly opposes using quotas in the process of allocation of grants, as they challenge physics' objective and proven to be effective methods of evaluation:

Some of the female respondents remark that preferential treatment of women, special programmes for female scientists and gender quotas may be discriminatory for men. It happens by refusing them access to resources and - through making competition unfair - by limiting their chances to be hired. It is perceived as a real threat and therefore makes special measures unwelcome:

Last but not least, according to some of the respondents special measures are undesirable or at least questionable, because they are implemented by force, disrupt natural processes and, therefore, breed resistance. Instead, as gender inequality is a sensitive issue, it needs to be tackled cautiously:

Describing special measures for gender equality as forced and therefore risky solution recurs in a few narratives of the physicists. In this context, two of the respondents additionally identify explicitly the entity responsible for imposing special measures on the scientific community. This is the European Union as the founder of scientific projects and the HR Excellence in Research Award:

As it was previously signaled, raising objections to special measures does not necessary mean rejection of any actions towards gender equality in science. According to the interviewees who question the appropriateness of their introduction, it is instead necessary to act ”at base”, understood either as influencing the youth making decisions about thinkable career paths or facilitating work-life balance of the physicists (see the previous paragraph on the Role of institution in fostering gender equality).

Only a dozen or so respondents overtly support special measures as a method of fostering gender equality in science. Most of them argue that their introduction will generally accelerate the systemic change, understood not only as a numerical increase in proportions of female physicists in high-rank positions, but also as a change of social mentality. The respondents believe that otherwise this transformation would proceed very slowly or even would be impossible. Therefore, despite social resistance and the arguments raised by their opponents of being unjust and compromising quality, quotas and preferential treatment should be introduced. Applying these special measures, which are a complement to the criteria of excellence, rather than their contradiction, will help to “create a real change in the laboratories and institutions” and therefore “all the structure will be more balanced”:

Few of the interviewees talk about further, specific advantages of applying special measures in the scientific community. They argue for example that introducing quotas will enable to counteract the gender bias of the male nature of scientific excellence, which indeed governs the processes of evaluation. Additionally, special grants for women are seen as a method of overcoming female mental barriers to apply for top positions:

Last but not least, a few of the respondents who are in favour of introducing special measures additionally discuss their temporary nature. Special programmes for women as well as quotas in decision-making bodies and recruitment should not be set up as permanent solutions. Rather they are perceived as a method of overcoming long-time injustice. Once the gender balance is achieved, which should happen at some time in the future, special measures will no longer be necessary:

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